Abstract: This dissertation examines the lexical semantics of particles and the syntax of particles and particle-verb constructions. I argue against the notion that there are distinct types of particles (e.g. resultative versus idiomatic versus aspectual), claiming instead that they are semantic predicates consisting of an often metaphorical spatial meaning and, with a few exceptions, an unpronounced GROUND argument. As a result, particle verbs are argued to be semantically compositional. The syntactic behavior of particle verbs is primarily explained through the adoption of the following major claims: (i) particles are optionally projecting syntactic heads whose topmost projection merges with a verbal head to form either a com- plex head or a resultative-like structure; (ii) nonprojecting particles (which combine with verbs to form complex heads) remain in situ, the verb raising out of the complex via phono- logical head movement; and (iii) objects raise to receive Case by LF, but they may do so overtly or covertly. These claims are shown to account for the behavior of the particle-verb construction when interacting with a wide range of other phenomena. The adoption of a further claim—(iv) ECM subjects of small-clauses preferably or obligatorily (depending on the speaker) raise out of the small clause overtly, whereas ECM subjects of IPs need not—is then shown to be able to explain the pattern of grammaticality and acceptability judgments encountered in the so-called ‘complex’ particle-verb constructions. Finally, the ability of particle verbs to undergo various word-formation processes is considered within the context of these theoretical assumptions.

Abstract: The set of neutral vowels in the vowel-harmony pattern found in Modern Korean sound-symbolic words is traditionally considered to consist of two members : [i] and [ɨ]. Some authors have tentatively put forward the hypothesis that [u] and [y] are also neutral. A corpus study on the phonotactics of Korean sound-symbolic vowel harmony provides quantitative support both for the traditional under- standing of [i] and [ɨ] as neutral vowels and for the tentative hypothesis that [u] and [y] are also neutral. Additionally, the corpus study reveals that vowels are neutral to different degrees. The vowel [a] is shown to be partially neutral, but unlike the other neutral vowels which are transparent, [a] is partially opaque. The distribution of diphthongs is also studied.